Pan Atlantic Research
Graded against the actual result across 36 races (from 46 polls, through 2022).
Head-to-head vs the VotePredictor model
The fair, apples-to-apples test: on the 30 races Pan Atlantic Research actually polled, how its final poll's margin compared to what the VotePredictor model predicted for those same races.
| Model | Avg miss (pts) | Called right |
|---|---|---|
| Pan Atlantic Research | 5.43 | 87% |
| VotePredictor | 4.73 | 93% |
VotePredictor aggregates all the pollsters, so it's expected to beat any single one on margin — that's the value of averaging. The honest comparison among forecasters is on the combined board.
Every race (36)
Each race Pan Atlantic Research polled, scored on its final poll — the call right before the vote — against the actual Dem−Rep result. Click a race for its full detail.
| Race | Their call | Result | Miss | Call |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| 2022 ME Governor | D+10.0 | D+13.2 | 3.2 | ✓ |
| 2022 ME-1 House | D+35.1 | D+25.9 | 9.2 | ✓ |
| 2022 ME-2 House | D+7.4 | D+6.1 | 1.3 | ✓ |
| 2020 ME-1 House | D+19.7 | D+24.3 | 4.6 | ✓ |
| 2020 ME-2 House | D+27.7 | D+6.1 | 21.6 | ✓ |
| 2020 M1 President | D+17.5 | D+23.1 | 5.6 | ✓ |
| 2020 M2 President | D+3.5 | R+7.4 | 10.9 | ✗ |
| 2020 ME President | D+10.6 | D+9.1 | 1.5 | ✓ |
| 2020 ME Senate | D+7.1 | R+8.6 | 15.7 | ✗ |
| 2018 ME Governor | D+8.5 | D+7.7 | 0.8 | ✓ |
| 2018 ME-1 House | D+24.0 | D+26.3 | 2.3 | ✓ |
| 2018 ME-2 House | R+0.5 | D+1.2 | 1.7 | ✗ |
| 2018 ME Senate | R+21.4 | R+24.8 | 3.4 | ✓ |
| 2014 ME Governor | R+0.6 | R+4.8 | 4.2 | ✓ |
| 2014 ME-1 House | D+43.7 | D+29.8 | 13.9 | ✓ |
| 2014 ME-2 House | D+1.2 | R+5.2 | 6.4 | ✗ |
| 2014 ME Senate | R+39.6 | R+37.0 | 2.6 | ✓ |
| 2012 ME-1 House | D+33.0 | D+29.6 | 3.4 | ✓ |
| 2012 ME-2 House | D+20.0 | D+16.4 | 3.6 | ✓ |
| 2012 M1 President | D+17.1 | D+21.4 | 4.3 | ✓ |
| 2012 M2 President | D+10.9 | D+8.6 | 2.3 | ✓ |
| 2012 ME President | D+14.0 | D+15.3 | 1.3 | ✓ |
| 2012 ME Senate | R+11.7 | R+17.5 | 5.8 | ✓ |
| 2010 ME Governor | R+15.0 | R+26.7 | 11.7 | ✓ |
| 2010 ME-1 House | D+16.0 | D+13.6 | 2.4 | ✓ |
| 2010 ME-2 House | D+20.0 | D+10.3 | 9.7 | ✓ |
| 2008 ME-1 House | D+11.0 | D+9.8 | 1.2 | ✓ |
| 2008 ME-2 House | D+34.0 | D+34.9 | 0.9 | ✓ |
| 2008 ME President | D+12.0 | D+17.3 | 5.3 | ✓ |
| 2008 ME Senate | R+21.0 | R+22.7 | 1.7 | ✓ |
| 2002 ME Governor | D+21.0 | D+5.7 | 15.3 | ✓ |
| 2002 ME-2 House | D+10.0 | D+4.0 | 6.0 | ✓ |
| 2002 ME Senate | R+19.0 | R+16.9 | 2.1 | ✓ |
| 2000 ME President | D+11.0 | D+5.1 | 5.9 | ✓ |
| 2000 ME Senate | R+54.0 | R+37.9 | 16.1 | ✓ |
| 1998 ME Governor | R+7.0 | R+6.9 | 0.1 | ✓ |
Accuracy by time to election
Lower is better. Time to election runs right (election week) to left (~2 months out).
By the numbers
| Time to election | Polls | Avg miss | vs field | Called right |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| 1–3 wk | 17 | 7.49 | +2.42 | 94% |
| 3–6 wk | 25 | 5.47 | -0.27 | 84% |
| 6–9 wk | 4 | 12.14 | +5.99 | 100% |
vs field is this pollster's average miss minus all pollsters' at the same lead time — green beats the field, redtrails it. Our historical polls reach ~2 months out; earlier polling isn't in the record.
Track record by cycle — getting better?
| Year | Polls | Avg miss | Lean (house effect) |
|---|---|---|---|
| 2000 | 3 | 12.4 | R+8.4 |
| 2002 | 7 | 9.1 | D+4.2 |
| 2008 | 4 | 2.3 | R+0.8 |
| 2010 | 4 | 11.4 | D+11.4 |
| 2012 | 6 | 3.5 | D+1.6 |
| 2014 | 8 | 6.8 | D+4.5 |
| 2018 | 4 | 2.1 | D+0.0 |
| 2020 | 6 | 10.0 | D+6.6 |
| 2022 | 3 | 4.6 | D+2.4 |
Do we credit a pollster for fixing its bias? Each cycle, the model re-estimates every pollster's lean from all its earlier polls (walk-forward) and subtracts it before using the poll. We tested weighting recent cycles more — it doesn't help: a pollster's lean in one cycle barely predicts the next (correlation 0.28), so the swings above are mostly noise, and averaging over more history beats chasing the latest cycle. The all-time estimate we use came out within ~0.5% of the best option.