University of New Hampshire Survey Center
Graded against the actual result across 75 races (from 200 polls, through 2022).
Head-to-head vs the VotePredictor model
The fair, apples-to-apples test: on the 69 races University of New Hampshire Survey Center actually polled, how its final poll's margin compared to what the VotePredictor model predicted for those same races.
| Model | Avg miss (pts) | Called right |
|---|---|---|
| University of New Hampshire Survey Center | 5.78 | 81% |
| VotePredictor | 4.26 | 88% |
VotePredictor aggregates all the pollsters, so it's expected to beat any single one on margin — that's the value of averaging. The honest comparison among forecasters is on the combined board.
Every race (75)
Each race University of New Hampshire Survey Center polled, scored on its final poll — the call right before the vote — against the actual Dem−Rep result. Click a race for its full detail.
| Race | Their call | Result | Miss | Call |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| 2022 ME Governor | D+8.0 | D+13.2 | 5.2 | ✓ |
| 2022 NH Governor | R+12.0 | R+15.5 | 3.5 | ✓ |
| 2022 VT Governor | R+17.0 | R+47.0 | 30.0 | ✓ |
| 2022 ME-1 House | D+19.0 | D+25.9 | 6.9 | ✓ |
| 2022 ME-2 House | D+1.0 | D+6.1 | 5.1 | ✓ |
| 2022 NH-1 House | D+1.0 | D+8.1 | 7.1 | ✓ |
| 2022 NH-2 House | D+8.0 | D+11.7 | 3.7 | ✓ |
| 2022 VT-1 House | D+38.0 | D+34.8 | 3.2 | ✓ |
| 2022 NH Senate | D+2.0 | D+9.1 | 7.1 | ✓ |
| 2022 VT Senate | D+34.0 | D+40.4 | 6.4 | ✓ |
| 2020 NH Governor | R+24.0 | R+31.8 | 7.8 | ✓ |
| 2020 NH-1 House | R+2.0 | D+5.1 | 7.1 | ✗ |
| 2020 NH-2 House | D+10.0 | D+10.2 | 0.2 | ✓ |
| 2020 NH President | D+8.0 | D+7.4 | 0.6 | ✓ |
| 2020 NH Senate | D+11.0 | D+15.6 | 4.6 | ✓ |
| 2018 NH Governor | EVEN | R+7.0 | 7.0 | ✗ |
| 2018 RI Governor | D+14.0 | D+15.5 | 1.5 | ✓ |
| 2018 NH-1 House | D+13.0 | D+8.6 | 4.4 | ✓ |
| 2018 NH-2 House | D+21.0 | D+13.4 | 7.6 | ✓ |
| 2018 RI Senate | D+24.0 | D+23.1 | 0.9 | ✓ |
| 2016 NH Governor | D+11.0 | R+2.3 | 13.3 | ✗ |
| 2016 ME-1 House | D+33.0 | D+16.0 | 17.0 | ✓ |
| 2016 ME-2 House | D+2.0 | R+9.6 | 11.6 | ✗ |
| 2016 NH-1 House | D+9.0 | D+1.3 | 7.7 | ✓ |
| 2016 NH-2 House | D+21.0 | D+4.4 | 16.6 | ✓ |
| 2016 M1 President | D+20.0 | D+14.8 | 5.2 | ✓ |
| 2016 M2 President | D+3.0 | R+10.3 | 13.3 | ✗ |
| 2016 ME President | D+11.0 | D+3.0 | 8.0 | ✓ |
| 2016 NH President | D+11.0 | D+0.4 | 10.6 | ✓ |
| 2016 NH Senate | D+4.0 | D+0.1 | 3.9 | ✓ |
| 2014 ME Governor | R+10.0 | R+4.8 | 5.2 | ✓ |
| 2014 NH Governor | D+4.0 | D+4.9 | 0.9 | ✓ |
| 2014 ME-1 House | D+38.0 | D+29.8 | 8.2 | ✓ |
| 2014 ME-2 House | R+1.0 | R+5.2 | 4.2 | ✓ |
| 2014 NH-1 House | R+1.0 | R+3.6 | 2.6 | ✓ |
| 2014 NH-2 House | D+7.0 | D+10.0 | 3.0 | ✓ |
| 2014 ME Senate | R+35.0 | R+37.0 | 2.0 | ✓ |
| 2014 NH Senate | D+2.0 | D+3.2 | 1.2 | ✓ |
| 2013 MA Senate | D+13.0 | D+10.2 | 2.8 | ✓ |
| 2012 NH Governor | D+9.0 | D+12.1 | 3.1 | ✓ |
| 2012 MA-6 House | R+6.0 | D+1.1 | 7.1 | ✗ |
| 2012 NH-1 House | EVEN | D+3.8 | 3.8 | ✗ |
| 2012 NH-2 House | D+7.0 | D+4.8 | 2.2 | ✓ |
| 2012 MA President | D+14.0 | D+23.0 | 9.0 | ✓ |
| 2012 NH President | D+4.0 | D+5.6 | 1.6 | ✓ |
| 2012 MA Senate | EVEN | D+7.5 | 7.5 | ✗ |
| 2010 MA Governor | D+4.0 | D+6.4 | 2.4 | ✓ |
| 2010 NH Governor | D+7.0 | D+7.6 | 0.6 | ✓ |
| 2010 MA-10 House | D+4.0 | D+4.5 | 0.5 | ✓ |
| 2010 MA-4 House | D+13.0 | D+10.5 | 2.5 | ✓ |
| 2010 NH-1 House | R+7.0 | R+11.6 | 4.6 | ✓ |
| 2010 NH-2 House | D+3.0 | R+1.6 | 4.6 | ✗ |
| 2010 MA Senate | D+17.0 | R+4.8 | 21.8 | ✗ |
| 2010 NH Senate | R+18.0 | R+23.2 | 5.2 | ✓ |
| 2008 NH Governor | D+47.0 | D+42.6 | 4.4 | ✓ |
| 2008 NH-1 House | D+5.0 | D+5.9 | 0.9 | ✓ |
| 2008 NH-2 House | D+21.0 | D+15.0 | 6.0 | ✓ |
| 2008 NH President | D+11.0 | D+9.6 | 1.4 | ✓ |
| 2008 NH Senate | D+6.0 | D+6.3 | 0.3 | ✓ |
| 2006 MA Governor | D+25.0 | D+20.3 | 4.7 | ✓ |
| 2006 NH Governor | D+56.0 | D+48.2 | 7.8 | ✓ |
| 2006 NH-1 House | R+9.0 | D+2.6 | 11.6 | ✗ |
| 2006 NH-2 House | EVEN | D+7.1 | 7.1 | ✗ |
| 2006 MA Senate | D+41.0 | D+37.4 | 3.6 | ✓ |
| 2004 NH Governor | R+1.0 | D+2.1 | 3.1 | ✗ |
| 2004 NH-1 House | R+19.0 | R+26.8 | 7.8 | ✓ |
| 2004 NH-2 House | R+18.0 | R+20.1 | 2.1 | ✓ |
| 2004 NH President | D+1.0 | D+1.4 | 0.4 | ✓ |
| 2004 NH Senate | R+36.0 | R+32.5 | 3.5 | ✓ |
| 2002 NH Governor | R+14.0 | R+20.4 | 6.4 | ✓ |
| 2002 NH-1 House | R+6.0 | R+19.6 | 13.6 | ✓ |
| 2002 NH-2 House | R+30.0 | R+16.0 | 14.0 | ✓ |
| 2002 NH Senate | R+1.0 | R+4.4 | 3.4 | ✓ |
| 2000 NH Governor | D+6.0 | D+5.0 | 1.0 | ✓ |
| 2000 NH President | R+6.0 | R+1.3 | 4.7 | ✓ |
Accuracy by time to election
Lower is better. Time to election runs right (election week) to left (~2 months out).
By the numbers
| Time to election | Polls | Avg miss | vs field | Called right |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| ≤1 wk | 48 | 5.33 | +1.05 | 83% |
| 1–3 wk | 68 | 6.48 | +1.41 | 81% |
| 3–6 wk | 61 | 7.13 | +1.39 | 80% |
| 6–9 wk | 23 | 6.35 | +0.20 | 78% |
vs field is this pollster's average miss minus all pollsters' at the same lead time — green beats the field, redtrails it. Our historical polls reach ~2 months out; earlier polling isn't in the record.
Track record by cycle — getting better?
| Year | Polls | Avg miss | Lean (house effect) |
|---|---|---|---|
| 2000 | 6 | 5.7 | D+4.2 |
| 2002 | 12 | 7.5 | D+4.2 |
| 2004 | 13 | 4.8 | R+2.9 |
| 2006 | 12 | 8.6 | R+3.4 |
| 2008 | 25 | 5.5 | D+2.9 |
| 2010 | 17 | 5.5 | D+4.0 |
| 2012 | 24 | 5.5 | R+3.4 |
| 2014 | 20 | 6.7 | D+3.7 |
| 2016 | 30 | 9.5 | D+9.3 |
| 2018 | 8 | 3.4 | D+2.1 |
| 2020 | 15 | 5.2 | D+1.8 |
| 2022 | 17 | 5.8 | R+0.8 |
Do we credit a pollster for fixing its bias? Each cycle, the model re-estimates every pollster's lean from all its earlier polls (walk-forward) and subtracts it before using the poll. We tested weighting recent cycles more — it doesn't help: a pollster's lean in one cycle barely predicts the next (correlation 0.28), so the swings above are mostly noise, and averaging over more history beats chasing the latest cycle. The all-time estimate we use came out within ~0.5% of the best option.